I live on the west side of a major road in my town, and everyone on my side of the street goes to a certain elementary school. This school has average (at best) test scores, a crumbling building, a lot of distracting behavioral issues among students and is anything but desirable.

Those who live on the east side of the same road, including most of my son’s friends, go to another school. This one is a much newer building, with better technology, better teachers, better test scores and a year-round school calendar. A desirable school, to say the least.

But because we live in an apartment on the west side of the road, rather than an apartment six feet away on the east side of the road, I do not have the option to send my son to the better school that his friends will go to.

The absurdity goes much further when you realize that the distance I live from this school is actually much less than the distance many of the other families that are actually within the zone live from the school. Their children will attend that school.

I, as a concerned parent, am now forced into a decision: either move so that I can reside in the proper geographic location to send my son to that school, or cross my fingers and hope that he will do well at the sub-par school.

We move March 1.

Someone, anyone, justify this system to me.

Education is quickly becoming the demilitarized zone of American politics. Left, center or right, we all agree our system is broken. All ideologies believe in the need for fundamental reform. And a consensus is quickly forming that — at least on this issue — we all have the best of intentions.

When it comes to our kids and making sure they are brought up with the best possible education, we are starting to realize that we all care about the kids more than our political gamesmanship. Well, most of us, at least.

Liberals have increasingly abandoned their belief that conservative education policy is about trying to use schools as a testing ground for evil, profit-driven educational experimentation and market philosophy. Conservatives are increasingly realizing that the left is just as frustrated with the status quo as they are, and are now willing to take a good, hard look at the system.

Certainly, it is true that right and left still differ on policy and there are indeed political brawls over education, but at the very least we don’t tend to question each other’s motivation any longer, as a general rule.

Young, energetic, articulate education reformers are popping up everywhere. Democrats Adrian Fenty, Michelle Rhee, Arnie Duncan and Corey Booker — to name a few — have all become loud advocates for a new paradigm in education. They have been willing to consider market-based education reforms, have questioned the power of teacher unions, teacher tenure and other former sacred-cow issues.

One of the three major priorities stated in Gov. Paul LePage’s State of the State address was education. LePage has a radical reformer of his own in the Department of Education in Commissioner Steve Bowen.

LePage and Bowen will be pushing big, radical changes in the coming months, and their ideas will find a lot of common ground among well-intentioned members of both parties.

What would I like to see happen? I would like to see money from the state attached to the head of the child, rather than the particular geographic location. There is absolutely no reason that living a foot on the wrong side of the road should be the determining factor for where my son — or anyone else’s child — goes to school.

This would reward high-performing schools, allowing them to grow and expand and serve more students, and it would allow failing schools to wither on the vine.

I would like to see teachers paid more and administrators paid less. I would like to see excellent teachers — such as my wife, Erin — rewarded for their talent, and poor teachers no longer protected by tenure.

But above all, I want to see fundamental change. Try something, try anything. The status quo isn’t working.

This follows Raye’s exploratory phase, in which he signaled his interest in running for the seat, but wanted to travel the district to see what kind of reaction to his potential candidacy there was.

In the world of politics, exploratory committees are viewed as little more than public relations mechanisms that allow the candidate to dip their feet slowly into the waters of a political race, and draw out more speculation and coverage than they would get if they simply announced. Indeed you may recall I broke the story of Raye’s potential candidacy some time ago.

Yet, when I spoke with Raye last month, he said that he was – at the time – truly undecided about whether to run, though he admitted that he was starting to come around to the idea after being initially skeptical. Running a race against Michaud, even in the best environment, is going to be very difficult, he has a business to take care of, and there were a number of other considerations which gave him pause about the race.

So, definitive as my reporting was in July, and correct as it may have ended up, those things left him with a lot to think about, and I believe he was genuine about taking his time in the exploratory phase to weigh the pros and cons, and that it was not a foregone conclusion that he would indeed run.

That said, he has made his decision, today he filed his paperwork and is now an official candidate.

I predicted last week that the race for the second district would be a particularly hard fought campaign, and that in the end Raye would emerge as the victor by a very thin margin.

While Michaud is undoubtedly a stronger candidate than he was when he faced off with Raye in 2002 – he is the incumbent after all – I believe it is in fact Raye who has gained the most since then.

At the time, he was viewed as little more than an acolyte of Senator Olympia Snowe with no record to run on, a mirror of her positions and persona, and had no name recognition to speak of. Today he has shed all of those problems, spearheading the Republican majority in the Legislature and becoming well known across the state.

If I were drawing up the campaign plan for Raye’s race against Michaud, I would frame the contest as “Mr. Irrelevant in Congress” vs. “The Guy Who Can Get Stuff Done”. As I explained in my recent top 25 ranking of influence in Maine politics, Michaud is invisible in Washington, fails to stand out on any specific issue, isn’t a moderate dealmaker, and for all his hard work and good intentions, wastes more potential influence than anyone else on the list.

Raye has a record to be proud of not only getting conservative things done, but doing so by working with Democrats and Republicans together. Unlike Michaud, he doesn’t have a tendency to fade into the background, but rather seems to roll up his sleeves and involve himself in legislative acts.

Raye is likely thinking along similar lines for his campaign. In his press release, he issued the following quote:

“Maine needs a strong voice in Congress, and Washington needs a dose of Maine common sense, where we are able to talk with each other and debate the issues in a way that encourages mutual respect and allows us to gets things done,” said Raye. “My background and proven track record of leadership has prepared me to be that voice and to carry that message.”

Emphasis mine.

Michaud is known for one significant bill, his protectionist trade legislation, which went nowhere in a Democratic Congress and has continued to go nowhere in a Republican one. That isn’t exactly the record of legislative accomplishment a supposedly centrist Democrat from the northeast should have after ten years in Washington.

Michaud should have a lot to worry about. He is in a much weaker position financially now than he was against then-tenderfoot Jason Levesque, and he now has a much more well known and politically threatening opponent in Raye. If the Senate President can effectively make the case that Michaud is a nice guy, but is out of his element in Congress (which he is), and that he would not be, than he will win.

If he gets lost in identity politics and can’t successfully make that argument, he will lose.

Only time will tell, but were I Congressman Michaud, I would be pretty worried.

Before we get to the list, a word on methodology. No one person should make a list like this, because no matter how hard they try their own bias will creep in and they will invariably miss people. More than that, our perception of influence is driven by our own experience. A staffer working in Augusta who sees the influence of lobbyists will have a different list than a campaign worker who sees the influence of money in politics.

As such, I set out to employ the wisdom of crowds to both build a list of influential people, and then later rank them. All in all, more than twenty people from all parts of the Maine political scene – politicians, media figures, activists, staffers, etc – helped me to rank influence. I made sure to balance equally the number of Democrats and Republicans who participated, so as to not ideologically pollute the results.

I asked everyone to rank the names according to their perceptions of how influential the people were.  That is an abstract concept, but I felt it was important that we all bring our individual perceptions of influence into our rankings.

As for me, I judged everyone based on two things:  hard influence and soft influence.  Hard influence are things like statutory authority (such as the Governor’s ability to veto, or a person’s authority on the budget), and have a lot to do with the particular position a person holds.  Soft influence are things like connections, friends, relationships, and the weight of a person’s voice.

I’d like to thank everyone who helped (most of which want to remain anonymous), but in particular Gerald Weinand from DirigoBlue who lent a big hand.  You all provided invaluable insight and I appreciate it. The list is imperfect to be sure, but it was a lot of fun to make.

All in all, this was one of the most interesting projects I’ve undertaken.  Below you’ll find the people listed by the final aggregate ranking they received, their title, the highest ranking they received from one of my helpful assistants, and a short description of why they are considered influential.

But enough talk.  To the list!

Andre Cushing
Assistant House Majority Leader, GOP Whip
Highest ranking: 8

From my home town of Hampden, Andre Cushing is a real estate agent, owns a home construction business, and is a member of the Maine House of Representatives.

Cushing has long been active in local politics in the greater Bangor area (particularly Herman and Hampden), as well as state level politics. Cushing served as the Penobscot County Republican State Committeeman from 1998-2004, and in 2004 was responsible for recruiting many potential legislators – including yours truly – to run. That experience provided the political base that he would be able to exploit to increase his influence later.

In 2008, Cushing ran for and won the open seat in Maine House District 39 (Hampden, Newburgh and Dixmont). He quickly moved up the ranks, and was again instrumental in strategy and recruitment for the Republicans on the House side in 2010. With the GOP takeover of the Maine legislature, he was rewarded by being elected Assistant Majority Leader, the House GOP Whip.

He is one of the primary figures involved with shepherding legislation through the House, which given the Republican control of the House, Senate and governor’s mansion, is a significant factor in his influence. His greatest strength, however, has to be in the relationships he has built and the connections he has. Those things transcend his role in the House, and give him greater influence than he would otherwise have.

In addition, his star is still in ascendance. He has recently announced that he will be running for the Maine Senate, a position he seems likely to attain. Look for his ranking to go up in the coming year.

Charlie Summers
Maine Secretary of State
Highest ranking: 9

Charlie Summers is probably defined by failure, more than success.

Some people are lucky enough to win at everything, but not Summers. He has, several times, been a candidate for Congress, each time defeated by comfortable margins. Most politicians who are dealt failure like that simply fade away into the darkness. Even if they want to stay relevant, their party and the voters have little interest in them sticking around.

Charlie Summers is not one to go away. Somehow, despite being dealt a number of disappointments, he has picked himself off the ground and come back more qualified, more ready, and more tested than he was before. He is that rare breed of human who truly learns from losing, and then quickly puts it behind him.

None of which is to say that Summers is only defined by losing. He has a very impressive resume, including stints at the Small Business Administration, the staff of Senator Olympia Snowe, and as a state Senator. And let’s not forget that he is an Iraq War veteran and is a Commander in the United States Navy Reserve.

As Maine’s Secretary of State, Summers was deeply involved in the recent fight over same-day voter registration where he desperately tried to walk a tightrope between supporting the repeal and appearing truthful and fair-minded in his official duties, something he managed to do successfully (most of the time).

But truthfully, Summers’ influence comes mostly from his personality and reputation, which make him one of the most visible figures in state government and a man that many of the most important people in the state listen carefully to.

Steve Mistler
State House reporter, Lewiston Sun Journal
Highest ranking: 10

It is a testament to the weakness of political reporting in Maine that there is only one member of the media on this list. It is a real shame, because the nature of the media makes them the purveyors of information we have on the rest of the people you will read about below. By all rights, media figures should dominate this list.

But the truth is, even if Maine had a strong, vibrant reporting culture, Steve Mistler would still belong on this list.

Mistler is my favorite political reporter in Maine, but my affinity for him was shared universally among the others who participated in this list. He represents all the best qualities of what a good reporter should be: diligent, hard working, intelligent, inquisitive, skeptical, fair, thorough, curious, and creative.

He is the one reporter in the state that can be consistently relied on to actually cover a topical issue with depth. He takes the extra time to gather more relevant facts which go beyond simple note taking that most reporters engage in, which allow him to tell a full story that truly informs his reader.

There is perhaps no better compliment for a reporter than when he is criticized by everyone. I get no end of entertainment when I hear one partisan or another say of Mistler, “he is usually a great reporter, but this piece was unfair.” One week that phrase is uttered by a Republican who did something stupid, and the next week by a Democrat who did the same. It means even his critics acknowledge his talents, and really only have a problem with how he does his job when he writes about them.

Indeed, I would challenge anyone to wager a guess to Mistler’s politics, because it is unknowable from his work, something horribly lacking in modern journalism.

He stands out among the crowd in Maine as a damn good reporter. It is a shame there aren’t more of him.

Peter Rogers
Director of Communications, Governor Paul LePage
Highest ranking: 11

In the early months of Paul LePage’s administration, one thing was consistently proving to be a challenge for the new governor: communication. He had suffered a long string of rhetorical missteps, and in April he lost Dan Demeritt, his message master.

LePage desperately needed a gritty and highly qualified professional communicator to establish some order and get his ship back on the right path. He took his time finding one – three months – but the man he settled on, Peter Rogers, gave him exactly what he needed.

Rogers has brought military discipline and efficiency (he is a 22 year U.S. Army Combat Arms Officer) to what has to be a very challenging position. This is no surprise, as Rogers has made his impact felt and built a stellar reputation at every assignment he has taken on. He has served as Deputy Commissioner for the Department of Defense, Veterans and Emergency Management, as a State Office Representative for Senator Susan Collins, and Director of Public Affairs and primary spokesman for the Maine National Guard.

But his importance in Maine politics is a factor of the job he currently holds. As the man driving the message for the governor of Maine, Rogers has the power to define not only what is said by LePage, but how it is said.

More importantly, however, he has the responsibility (and heavy burden) of spinning for a particularly unscripted, blunt politician. When LePage gets into hot water, it is ultimately Rogers who has to do damage control.

Governor LePage has shown a great deal more discipline, no doubt due to exemplary preparation at the hands of Rogers, and when he has, the fire was quickly put out. That is a testament to a truly talented political communicator.

John Martin
Representative, Maine House District 1
Highest ranking: 5

If you need me to explain to you who John Martin is, than I question why you are reading anything about Maine politics. But if you insist, Martin has served in the legislature since 1964, is the longest serving speaker of the Maine House of Representatives in the history of the body (1975 through 1994), and has been involved in a whimsical game of revolving chairs between the House and Senate since that pesky term limits law was enacted.

Right now, though, Martin is essentially nothing. In title, at least.

John Martin’s presence on this list is due entirely to his being John Martin. The man is the Godfather of Democratic politics in the state of Maine, and no amount of statutory power (or limits on power) that he does or does not have can really stop him from being powerful.

Ironically, it may be the institution of term limits that has made Martin more influential, rather than less, because it has annihilated any hint of institutional memory within the body, removing all of the other lawmakers who have been around the block for several decades. This means that he, more than anyone else, has knowledge and experience borne of the past, and the younger legislators (of both parties) look to him for direction.

But even if that weren’t true, Martin has a nearly five decade old political machine which has never been effectively challenged, allowing it to continue to extend its tentacles throughout Maine politics. He has an untold number of acolytes, allies, and contacts, and when he speaks, people listen.

Josh Tardy
Founder, Mitchell and Tardy Government Affairs
Highest ranking: 13

So said one of the participants in this ranking survey:

“That guy is the Republican Severin Beliveau, he is involved with absolutely everything.”

(More on Beliveau later)

In 2004, Tardy was riding high. The Republicans in the Maine House, partly under his guidance as Assistant Minority Leader, came within a single vote of capturing the body for the first time in a generation. Pundits and prognosticators across the state hailed him as a rising star and potentially the man who could be the next GOP Speaker. Maybe even Governor some day.

That all came crashing down in 2006 and 2008 with two disastrous elections which decimated his party and with it his reputation as a star. His previously bright political future looked quite a bit dimmer, and his name was mentioned much less frequently in discussions of higher office.

Then, the 2010 comeback. Suddenly, Tardy once again looked like a mastermind.

Sadly for him, he could not enjoy the benefits of his hard work because of Maine’s term limit laws. He was forced into early retirement, and could not seek the gavel. But rather than going quietly into the night, Tardy decided to move into lobbying and translate his elected influence into persuasive influence.

Tardy teamed up with Jim Mitchell, a former Chairman of the Maine Democratic Party and a well-known Augusta lobbyist to start Mitchell and Tardy Government Affairs, a lobbying firm that represents a slew of powerful clients who have interests in the corridors of power in Maine.

He has already established a reputation as a major player on the lobbying scene, and has been more than open about his desire to one day return to government, probably at a higher level. Unlike several of the previous Republican minority leaders who preceded him, Tardy seems destined to stick around for a long time. He won’t be fading away.

Steve Bowen
Commissioner, Maine Department of Education
Highest ranking: 14

Steve Bowen is consistently described by nearly every political observer I have talked to as the standout star of the LePage cabinet. Those of us who have followed Bowen’s career are hardly surprised. Possessing a sharp intellect and a work ethic to match, it was only a matter of time before the very young but very capable Bowen shot up the ranks.

He is very clearly one of the modern generation of education reformers, a group of leaders from both parties who view our system as stagnant, lethargic, ineffective, and in desperate need of change. His opinions were sharpened by his experience within the system, as a high school social studies teacher for a decade. There, he saw up close how things work, and how things do not work.

But Bowen also has a love of public service, which is why he sought election to the Maine House of Representatives in 2002. He didn’t just want to mire himself in a broken system, he wanted to affect change.

After leaving the legislature, Bowen joined the Maine Heritage Policy Center as the director for the Center for Education Excellence. There he delved deeply into education policy, and built a reputation as a heady reformist with a love of detail and facts. Though his work was for a conservative think tank, he still managed to build a reputation as a fair minded and trans-partisan analyst on education-related issues.

When Governor LePage was elected in November 2010, Bowen’s name was on the top of everyone’s list to fill the post of Commissioner for the Department of Education. In the time since his appointment, he has acquitted himself admirably in his job and has won rave reviews for the work he and his department have done.

In the upcoming year, LePage has signaled that reforming the education system will be one of the most significant goals for his administration. That thrusts Bowen into the spotlight, and his signature will be on some very significant changes to come.

Brent Littlefield
Political Advisor, Governor Paul LePage
Highest ranking: 10

Ask those involved in the very early stages of Paul LePage’s campaign for governor to describe the effort and you will get a simple reply. “Unmitigated disaster.”

The campaign was out of its league and seemed to not really know how to run a statewide election. They had a compelling candidate and a group of loyal volunteers, but no real sense of how to use them.

Enter Brent Littlefield.

Littlefield is the Karl Rove to Paul LePage’s George W. Bush. He joined the LePage team as a “strategic consultant” in January of 2010, but in reality it was Littlefield who was responsible for much of the day to day operation of the campaign. He was instrumental in developing the overall strategy for a primary win – a stripped down, stealth grassroots army – and executing that plan. Prior to Littlefield’s arrival on the LePage team, that victory was hard to imagine, but it is impossible to argue with the results he produced.

Though he is actually a Washington, D.C. based political consultant, Littlefield has deep roots in Maine politics. He worked on Governor McKernan’s re-election campaign in 1990, Olympia Snowe’s Senate campaign in 1994, and Rick Bennett’s congressional campaign in 1994. He worked for Congressman Jim Longley in 1995, and then went on to consult for the Maine Republican Senate caucus, helping the party win back control (albeit with a power sharing agreement) in the Maine Senate in 2000.

There are those who question Littlefield’s impact on those elections. Bring up his name among one of his Republican detractors (of which there are several) and you will likely hear some grumbling and a litany of complaints that Littlefield was hardly an integral cog in those elections, and takes credit for more than he is due. Bring up his name among one of his Republican supporters (of which there are several) and you’ll hear confident declarations of his impressive political instincts, hard work, and strategic vision. He is a polarizing figure, even among his own party.

Regardless, there is no denying that he is given a huge amount of credit from LePage’s own team, and there is no better measure of value than the opinion of those on the inside. Littlefield therefor is and will remain one of Governor LePage’s closest and most trusted advisers.

He currently serves as the Governor’s political adviser, and is involved with LePage’s shell organization, Maine People Before Politics as a strategic advisor, making his voice one of the most important ones in Maine politics.

Charlie Webster
Chairman, Maine Republican Party
Highest ranking: 4

Were this list to have been made six months ago, Maine Republican Party Chairman Chairman Charlie Webster would have undoubtedly placed higher. But after his high profile fight – and loss – on behalf of the repeal of same-day voter registration, the weight behind his name has waned some.

In the aftermath of the 2010 Republican sweep, Webster was one of the people credited with masterminding the GOP takeover. A bombastic bomb thrower, Webster and his “Working people vote Republican” message set a rhetorical theme that candidates all over the state hammered home, allowing the party to take advantage of the national conservative wave. There were those who questioned just how much credit Webster should get – was he riding the wave or directing it? – but it is undeniable that Webster is the most dynamic and visible political party chair in memory.

That is somewhat unusual. At the state level, party chairs are usually invisible to the public at large (like Democratic Party Chairman Ben Grant), and more concerned with fundraising and recruitment than driving the agenda for the party. But it was Webster’s transformation of the job into an activist position that led to him having as much say over what his party did in the legislature as the lawmakers themselves.

This new model for a party chair means that Webster is given a disproportionate amount of credit or blame depending on the success or failure of his party.

But regardless of outcome, he has defined the terms of the conversation in Maine, and for that ability to shape the debate, there can be no denying his importance.

Jon Courtney
Majority Leader, Maine Senate
Highest ranking: 8

Maine Republicans are working with their first real majority in the Maine Senate since 1996, and Jon Courtney is their Majority Leader, second in authority only to Senate President Kevin Raye.

While Raye is most concerned with the business of running the Senate and dealing with the Democratic minority, Courtney is leading the Republicans in their push for conservative legislation. There is no doubt that the two work closely to get things accomplished, but it is Courtney that is most concerned with the priorities of the party, and managing its members. That puts him in the middle of every political fight and every compromise in Augusta.

Courtney is termed out of the Senate, and has been weighing a potential challenge to Chellie Pingree in the first district. He himself has said that he would be a “long shot” if he did end up running, but his potential candidacy makes him more relevant, not less, and his maneuvering in the upcoming legislative session should be very interesting to watch.

Lance Dutson
CEO, Maine Heritage Policy Center
Highest ranking: 6

Lance Dutson’s star has probably risen faster than any other individual on this list. A few years ago he was a blogger, then a campaign worker for Senator Collins’ 2008 re-election, then a Hill staffer. Today he is the head of the single most powerful and important think tank in the state of Maine.

The Maine Heritage Policy Center is the microphone for the conservative movement. Often mistaken – including by yours truly – as an affiliate of the national conservative think tank, the Heritage Foundation, Maine Heritage is in fact very much a unique creation: a state level, conservative leaning policy shop. It has been instrumental in crafting policy for the new Republican majority, and has been deeply involved in everything from the selection of bureaucrats to crafting of legislation.

Dutson came to his position after a very successful stint as Communications Director for the Maine Republican Party in the 2010 cycle, where he brought stability and discipline to the party’s messaging. One of the biggest reasons he was hired to head Maine Heritage was due to that strength as a communicator, which they hope he will be able to leverage to raise the Center’s profile.

His first major push has been the launch of a new conservative news site, which he hopes will come to counterbalance the traditional media outlets in the state. While the jury is still out on the effort, it has great potential if it is done right.

As the leader of the organization responsible for much of the conservative agenda in Augusta, Dutson’s impact on public policy in Maine is undeniable.

Dan Billings
Chief Counsel, Governor Paul LePage
Highest ranking: 5

It is hard to find a Republican who has their fingers in every aspect of their party more than Dan Billings.

The GOP super-lawyer has literally done it all. He has been a Legislative Aide in the Maine House Republican Office. He served as legal counsel to the Maine Republican Party. He served as legal counsel to the LePage Transition team. He currently serves as the Governor’s Chief Counsel. He used to provide the voice of reason on the conservative As Maine Goes message board. He even spends his free time defending the people responsible for The Cutler Files. The man is truly everywhere.

More importantly, though, he is involved in just about everything the administration does. He is a senior adviser to the governor, lending official advice on politics and policy. He is the point man for journalistic inquiries for administration records. If the question is asked, “can we do this”, Billings is undoubtedly the person who will be answering yes or no.

This makes him an indispensable part of Maine government. Having so much weight attached to your opinions, having the trust of men higher on the list than him, having so many contacts over his years of service in government, and being involved in so much of what the government does means that, if anything, Billings’ influence is understated here.

Eliot Cutler
Chairman, One Maine Political Action Committee
Highest ranking: 4

In 2002, Eliot Cutler gave an interview for the Muskie Oral History project. In it he described a deep-seated desire to be governor of Maine, an ambition he has harbored since he was twelve. Roughly eight years later, he was a few thousand votes shy of getting his wish.

Almost immediately after his loss, Cutler started plotting his political future. He began by attaching his name to the “No Labels” movement, a well meaning if somewhat sanctimonious group of people who profess to be anti-partisans. But it was his formation of the OneMaine PAC that truly signaled his unwillingness to head out to pasture and retire.

OneMaine is Cutler’s way of attempting to stay in the political conversation, and at its core is a branding technique intended to further build his reputation as a pragmatic centrist more interested in common sense, independent minded solutions than party politics. In 2010, he was simply unable to overcome the suspicion that he was an opportunistic Democrat running as an independent for convenience rather than conviction, and it is obviously his hope that a few years of cross party endorsements and cherry picked issues from both sides of the aisle will help combat that impression.

Most political observers believe Cutler is simply biding his time, waiting for the 2014 election and another opportunity to run for governor. It began with his “thank you” tours around the state, and has been building every since. There has been some recent polling which suggests that were the election to be held today, Cutler would defeat LePage in a rematch, and that has only added fuel to the speculation.

But until that time, the nearly once and future king serves as the leading voice for third-way politics in the state, and his efforts to remain politically relevant will continue to buoy his influence across Maine.

Severin Beliveau
Attorney and Founding Partner, Preti Flaherty
Highest ranking: 3

If you don’t follow Maine politics regularly, it is likely that you haven’t heard the name Severin Beliveau, but you have undoubtedly felt the impact of his influence.

His name has the audible feel of silk, if silk made a sound, but if you want to know Beliveau’s reputation, I refer you to this description from a Republican elected official:

“Most people don’t know his name, but I have privately witnessed Beliveau own the Democratic Party behind the scenes.”

Or perhaps a nickname of his: the Darth Vader of lobbyists. He is a Founding Partner of the Preti Flaherty law firm – a titan in the Maine legal scene – and is responsible for its Legislative and Regulatory practice in Augusta, Maine and Washington, D.C. In short, he is deeply involved through lobbying and litigation, in the formation and maintenance of Maine law.

Beliveau was instrumental in the derailing of a number of casino bills in the legislature, working on behalf of his client, Oxford County Casino, and had a hand in the defeat of the two casinos in November. He is a major player on any number of key issues, and continues to exert a massive influence over the Democratic Party.

But why is one lobbyist so influential? This is no ordinary lobbyist.

Severin Beliveau was one of the original Democratic boy wonders. Upon graduating Georgetown Law he began his political career, being elected to the Maine House of Representatives at the tender age of 28, and later the Maine Senate. He would serve as Chairman of the Maine Democratic Party, and unsuccessfully ran for Governor in 1986. All that time he built up a wealth of connections and experience, which he continues to rely on to this day. Today he is content pulling the strings from the shadows, as he has for years.

Maine’s lobbyist king would be significantly higher on this list if his party had not been summarily ejected from power last year.

Mike Michaud
United States Representative, Maine District 2
Highest ranking: 2

Full disclosure: I consulted for the Jason Levesque for Congress campaign in his race against Mike Michaud in 2010.

Mike Michaud may just be the most liked politician in the state of Maine. To be honest, it is hard to find things not to like about him, he reminds you of your favorite uncle, the one who always used to give you candy when you went over to visit. He is a nice man, he clearly has good intentions, he works hard, and he is unflinchingly “Maine”.

But make no mistake, as a sitting congressman in the single largest congressional district east of the Mississippi river, Michaud should be higher on this list than he is. This was the consensus of both the Republicans and Democrats who were surveyed for this list (in fact, the Democrats ranked him lower than the Republicans did).

Michaud has very limited visibility in Washington. He is not the sponsor of important legislation that has made its way through Congress, or a visible advocate for a high profile issue. He is not a liberal firebrand, nor is he a moderate dealmaker. He counts himself among the Blue Dog caucus, but does very little to use his centrist self-identification to influence change of any kind.

In short, as a politician he acts much as he likely did as a blue collar worker – showing up to work, doing his job while acquitting himself well, and going home. No one can complain about the work he does, but he doesn’t stand out among his 434 other colleagues.

Michaud has the capability to be so much more, and of all his contemporaries on this list probably wastes more potential influence than any other. Over a decade in Washington he has built a powerful list of groups in Maine who support him with vigor and genuine affection. That network would go to war with him if he wanted to step out on a limb and really throw his weight around on Capitol Hill, but to this point he has neglected to do so.

Still, there is no denying that Michaud does excellent work with constituent service, has been aggressive in advocating for veterans, and diminished as it may be, has significant clout as a congressman. Even though he could be much more influential than he is, he remains a very powerful figure in the state.

Bruce Poliquin
Treasurer, State of Maine
Highest ranking: 6

Bruce Poliquin is a happy warrior, and has transformed the position of state Treasurer from a relatively bland, uninspiring office, into an activist hotbed of activity.

When he was running for governor in 2010, Poliquin cut a stiff figure, somewhat wooden and uneasy with the business of retail politics. Yet, after losing the primary, he got to work and was the most visible, enthusiastic, and capable surrogate for Paul LePage on the campaign trail. That genuinely hard work, coupled with a real rapport that developed with LePage, landed him his current position.

If the flavor of Poliquin’s political campaign was drab and boring, his tenure as Treasurer has been colorful and dynamic. He no longer looks uncomfortable, but rather happy and relaxed actually doing the business of governing. He has demonstrated a savvy nose for getting his name in the paper, and connecting his name with major initiatives of the administration. He has picked high profile fights – such as the ongoing feud with the Maine State Housing Authority – which have raised his profile and allowed him to set the state’s political agenda on his own. Were this the Bruce Poliquin Maine voters saw on the trail a year and a half ago, the election may have gone quite differently.

Poliquin has also maintained a rather close knit political operation, veterans of his gubernatorial campaign, all of whom demonstrate rather remarkable loyalty and devotion to their old boss. They are always working behind the scenes to promote Poliquin and his work, and are no doubt waiting for whatever his next move may be.

But for now, he is trying to do the difficult work of putting Maine’s “fiscal house in order.” As a clear standout among the LePage cabal, and one of the governor’s closest allies, he will be a staple of this list for years.

Sawin Millett
Commissioner, Department of Administrative & Financial Services
Highest ranking: 2

Experienced leaders and institutional memory are two things that any healthy democracy needs. As such, we typically rely on a handful of “old hands” who have been there, and done that to help guide us through some of the stormiest waters. Sawin Millett has been there, and he has done that.

Millet is an expert on the inner workings of state government, particularly the budget process and administration. Millet served six terms in the legislature, and was the ranking Republican on the Appropriations and Financial Affairs Committee.

He has also served in the Cabinet for four Republican, Independent and Democratic Governors, including Commissioner of the Department of Administrative & Financial Services – the position he now holds – under Governor McKernan.

His position gives him enormous authority over state government. He oversees 9 bureaus and more than 1000 employees serving all branches of Maine government. But it is his responsibility for managing the budget and financial management, particularly in the current political environment, which makes Millet all the more relevant.

But it is Millet’s lifetime of experience, knowledge of the ebbs and flows of state government, and connections built over a considerable career that give him his true influence. He can speak with an authority that few figures in Maine politics can, and his voice travels a long distance.

Chellie Pingree
United States Representative, Maine District 1
Highest ranking: 3

Full disclosure: I consulted for the Scontras for Congress campaign against Chellie Pingree in 2010.

Chellie Pingree is a Maine original.

Maine politics has a reputation for geniality. The rough and tumble poison that infects the nation has mostly stayed away from the Pine Tree State, with her most prominent politicians groping endlessly for the moderate third-way. The personality of Maine’s most successful politicians has always been one of fairness, positivity and deference. Pingree doesn’t play that way, and that is exactly why she is where she is today.

She subscribes to a different theory of politics. An unapologetically liberal politician, she is to the left of even her Democratic leaning congressional district, and doesn’t try to hide it. Rather, she is proud of it, and has attracted quite a loyal following of liberals who have no stomach for Blue Dogs or New Democrats. But more than that, she isn’t afraid of pulling out the long knives and acting very much the conventional politician.

A few weeks before the 2010 election, Pingree was going to lose to Dean Scontras. Public polling showed that, internal polling at the DCCC showed that. He was gaining traction quickly and if she didn’t do something to stop it, she would be retiring early. That’s when Pingree unleashed the dogs and went decidedly negative, tarring Scontras as a bad choice for voters.

Conventional wisdom holds that voters – especially Maine voters – strongly dislike negative advertisements, and don’t react well to it. Conventional wisdom is wrong. Her campaign to tear down Scontras’ favorability in the last few weeks of the campaign succeeded, and her job was saved.

By practicing a ruthless, bare knuckles style of politics she has put the fear of God into future GOP challengers, making it likely that she will have a congressional seat for life. By being unashamed of being a liberal, she has crafted a reputation as a progressive hero for her political base.

As a sitting congresswoman, she has the ability to impact Maine in significant ways. She is also married to Donald Sussman, who just so happens to rank higher than she does on this list. This, coupled with her unique style and the political brand she has built has given her a great deal of clout which she is not shy about using.

Emily Cain
Maine House Minority Leader
Highest ranking: 5

Everyone likes Emily Cain, even Republicans.

In 2009 and 2010 she was widely considered to be the next Speaker of the House, a plan which was only derailed by the somewhat unexpected GOP takeover of the body. Instead of Speaker, Cain became the House Minority Leader, a post which commands much less authority.

Yet, she finds herself in the middle of everything. For the most part, the new GOP majority has tried (with a few notable exceptions) to govern by enlisting Democrats in the process, and that makes Cain the point person for the left on everything considered in the House. When the two parties compromise, it is Cain who puts the Democratic stamp of approval on a bill, and when the Republicans play hard ball, she is the lead voice pushing back in the media.

It is no surprise that she has eclipsed her Democratic colleagues in the Senate as party spokesperson. She is young, unfailingly nice, has a grip on her party, and knows how to play the game of politics very well.

Indeed it is likely a testament to her leadership that legislative politics has failed to take an acrimonious turn in the past year. Nothing so dictates the tone of debate as the behavior of the minority. A leader more interested in scoring cheap points and throwing bombs at the opposition might get more attention or more love from her base than Cain does, but would likely get a lot less done.

And with her likely move to the Maine Senate in 2012, look for her to move up this list in the coming years.

Bob Nutting
Speaker of the Maine House of Representatives
Highest ranking: 5

Speaker Nutting is an enigma wrapped in a riddle. He commands more “hard power” in the state than any figure outside Paul LePage and Kevin Raye, yet he is significantly less visible and less well known than his contemporaries. He seems very content being the quiet man, laying the brick and mortar in the shadows and getting things done without getting much recognition. And make no mistake, he has built quite a house so far.

Nutting has a difficult task. He is leading the first Republican House of Representatives since 1974, and his caucus is made up of an eclectic group of politically diverse leaders. He has a strong force of old GOP Yankee moderates mixed together with old guard conservatives and libertarian Tea Party radicals. That he can keep them relatively unified and under control is nothing short of a miracle. Under the guidance of a less talented man, the new GOP majority would have already fractured and self-destructed.

Every successful political movement needs a workhorse who is willing to forego the spotlight in favor of leaving a legacy of accomplishment behind. He seems to have his finger on the pulse of Maine politics, knowing when to play hardball and seek party line votes (health insurance reform) and when to enlist bipartisanship for important consensus legislation (the budget).

Less interested in posturing, political games, and gotcha politics, it is the steady leadership of Speaker Nutting which has managed to prove that Republicans really can govern effectively in Augusta.

Donald Sussman
Founder and Chairman, Paloma Partners LLC
Highest ranking: 1

When asking the political savvy to rank Sussman, I fully expected that the Republicans would see him as a powerful boogeyman, artificially placing him higher than he deserved. Similarly, I believed that Democrats would dismiss his influence as minor and insignificant, placing him lower than he deserved.

What actually happened was fascinating to watch. While many Republicans did indeed rank Sussman high, it was in fact the Democrats that placed him higher, on average. And while some of the Democrats put him extremely low on the list, so too did many of the Republicans. There was, perhaps, no one figure on this list that produced such a wide variety of opinion that cut across ideology.

In the end, Sussman’s influence was universally acknowledged by everyone. He is, in no uncertain terms, the prime financial backer of the Maine Democratic Party and several progressive causes in the state. If Sussman wishes to express his opinion, he can write a $500,000 check just as easily as I could lend you five dollars.

That freedom has allowed him to ensure a strong leftist performance on a number of issues and elections that they might not otherwise be able to manage. On top of that, his marriage to Congresswoman Pingree gives him access to a significant amount of “official” power, even if he doesn’t wield it himself.

Still, Sussman is probably the one person on this list whose influence is most difficult to estimate. Because of the funding structure of the broad coalition of progressive groups in Maine, Sussman has the ability to only give us a glimpse of his influence. This could indicate that he has a lot more influence through his funding of various political groups across Maine than the public will ever know.

The political right has no figure even remotely like Sussman, and the absence of a legitimate financial rival in Maine makes Sussman’s impact all the more potent.

Kevin Raye
President of the Maine Senate
Highest ranking: 4

When Kevin Raye won the leadership election to take command of the Republicans in the Maine Senate, the job didn’t look like it was worth much. His caucus was the smallest it had been in a political generation, Democrats had routed the GOP both nationally and in Maine, and the prospects for the future looked grim.

But Raye got to work not only managing his party in the Senate, but engineering a comeback. With a combination of excellent recruiting, smart political maneuvering, and yes, even riding the national wave, Raye presided over a historic gain in the Maine Senate in 2010, giving the Republicans their largest seat margin in the body in more than thirty years.

Since that time, Raye has managed to both spearhead the new conservative legislative agenda and moderate the rougher edges of Governor LePage’s suite of priorities. This dual identity – conservative leader and level-headed moderate – has made him the single most important legislative figure in the state.

But it is his political future which gives extra gravity to Raye’s influence. As Raye is termed out, it is widely expected that he will be challenging incumbent Mike Michaud in 2012. That speculation has added extra intrigue to some of the legislative moves undertaken by Republicans, particularly the GOP’s attempt to redistrict this year.

Raye’s status as the GOP’s best hope for unseating Michaud means he will have extra pull in the upcoming legislative session. Given the authority already present in the office of the Senate President, and Raye’s impressive political accumen, there can be little denying his place on this list.

Susan Collins
United States Senator
Highest ranking: 1

Full disclosure: I previously served as Director of New Media Communications for Senator Collins in her Washington D.C. office.

There was significant disagreement among the ranking committee about which of Maine’s two Senators – Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins – was more influential. We’ll touch on the arguments for Senator Snowe in a moment, but Senator Collins has a strong case to be made for not only being more influential than Snowe, but being the most influential figure in the state.

Her influence in Maine is due to her outsized influence in Washington, D.C. Whereas Senator Snowe has drifted to the right and has intentionally sacrificed much of her ability to negotiate and influence large scale legislation, Senator Collins has maintained her reputation as the key voice that ends up deciding legislation. This means currying her favor is a key consideration for everyone from the president to low level bureaucrats.

That leverage allows Collins to advocate for her state in a way that an average party ideologue – on either side of the aisle – would never be able to do. More federal dollars can be steered home. Constituent service can be more effective. Laws specifically benefiting Maine can be passed. These things would not be able to happen without the clout she has cultivated in Washington.

Because of her efforts, Maine has enjoyed more attention, money and preferential treatment than its geography or population would deserve in a vacuum. Collins has long emerged from the shadow of Maine’s Senior Senator, and shed the perception that she was a less important carbon copy.

Today, she is a force in her own right, and that shows little sign of changing any time soon.

Olympia Snowe
United States Senator
Highest ranking: 2

Snowe’s star in Maine has waned somewhat over the past couple of years, but not by much.

Most of the disagreement about the relative positions of Snowe and Collins relate to the ideological jockeying she has been doing recently, due to her 2012 re-election campaign. With the rise of the Tea Party and the ascendance of the right wing of the Republican Party in Maine, Snowe has been forced to slide to the right for her own political survival.

That shift has left a lot of influence on the table in Washington, as she sacrifices her ability to play deal maker on key legislation for additional credibility on her right flank. As such, you no longer hear her name in the center of key legislative battles on Capitol Hill, and as her vote is less sought after, her ability to extract concessions in return for her vote is lessened.

But focusing only on that would ignore the real source of the influence Senator Snowe wields – her own significant political talent.

Snowe is currently dominating her primary opponents, and shows no signs of weakening. That in and of itself is a testament to a truly brilliant tactical mind, as only a year ago several national pollsters declared that her only chance at remaining in the Senate was to defect from the Republican Party. So sure were they that a primary challenge would be successful, that they spoke in virtual absolutes about her impending primary loss.

But Snowe’s strength is that of a chess master. She thinks several moves ahead, and leans on the relationships she has built over a very long and distinguished political career. She doesn’t believe in the impossible, and has done remarkable work reaching out and directly engaging with her critics on the right. She recognized early on that she didn’t necessarily need to win them over to her side, but to simply douse the raging inferno that was threatening to torch her career.

By opening a dialogue with her critics and doing so genuinely, she has in fact strengthened her political base. When she emerges from her primary and general election victories (which she will), she will be stronger for the experience. That will be good for her and good for Maine, and a true testament to her influence.

Paul LePage
Governor of Maine
Highest ranking: 1

Being Governor of Maine is a big advantage, but it doesn’t guarantee the top spot. Were I to have made this list at any point during the Baldacci Administration, for instance, I don’t believe the former Governor would have captured the top spot. In reality, the personality of the man or woman in charge matters a lot.

LePage is a rarity among Maine’s Chief Executives. He is an activist governor, and he believes he is leading a revolution in state government. As such, his outsized personality dominates the political sphere, he is aggressive, he sets the agenda in ways collaborative governors like Baldacci and King never could, and he has made very clear that he is in charge. His somewhat abrasive style may ruffle some feathers, but LePage’s position as the most influential figure in Maine politics was nearly unanimous.

Maine’s governor is a fairly powerful office, which is not always true in other states. He has broad powers and responsibilities at his disposal, and LePage has shown a willingness to take advantage of those tools fairly regularly. For example, the governor has shown a willingness to make use of legislative recalls to change bills that have already been passed  (but have not been signed) to a much greater degree than his predecessor.

Increasing LePage’s influence is the legislature he finds himself working with. With the Republican Party firmly in control of both chambers of the Maine legislature, LePage has a great deal more freedom to set the legislative agenda and get what he wants accomplished. Were he facing off with Democrats, that influence would no doubt be a great deal less.

But above all it is LePage’s bulldog style and iron will that create his reservoir of power. Other governor’s have been much less willing to take risks and wield their authority to make fundamental change, but not LePage. He is intent on squeezing every last drop of influence out of the Blaine House, he has the allies to get it accomplished, and has proven able to get things done in his first year.

For all of those reasons, Governor LePage is the clear choice for the most influential figure in Maine politics.

On the bubble: Mary Mayhew, Angus King, Ann Robinson, Justin Alfond, Roxanne Quimby

That all changed, of course, a year and a half ago.

The events surrounding the 2010 Maine Republican Party platform were, in a word, disastrous.  For those of you who may have forgotten, there was an insurrection among the GOP grassroots on the floor of the convention hall, the establishment platform was thrown out and a new – entirely un-vetted – platform was put in its place.

That platform contained some interesting language, extolling the virtues of Austrian economics and attacking the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.  The haphazard, eclectic and not-much-to-do-with-Maine nature of the document, as well as the  perceived anarchy among Maine Republicans at their own convention led to widespread ridicule in the media, and confused looks from many party elites.

At the time of the platform’s passage in 2010, I said the following:

I am not privy to exactly what the proposed changes from within the platform committee were, but what I do know is that they were rejected out of hand.  Had the more “establishment” elements of the committee taken those suggestions and compromised and worked with those demands, it seems likely that they would have been able to hammer out something responsible that would have hopefully satisfied the libertarian/tea party wing without the insertion of what Dan Billings has called “nutcase stuff”.

This year, it seems, the Maine GOP decided to take that advice and incorporate their more rebellious brethren into the process and give them a voice, as a way to compromise and make sure nothing like 2010 happens again.

Of course, they had little choice but to listen.  The activists responsible for the 2010 platform and their allies were not at all interested in being marginalized.  Indeed, Christopher Gardner, Chairman of the Washington County Republican Committee sent a letter to the platform committee, gently reminding them that there were people out there who were watching.  Carefully.  Androscoggin apparently sent a similarly worded warning.

If all goes according to plan, there will be no repeat of the 2010 platform this year.  Last night the platform committee  - which included several activists involved in the “rebel platform” - voted unanimously to adopt a new platform.

I have spent most of the day talking to various people involved in the process, trying to piece together how it happened.

For the un-initiated, the platform committee has a very formal structure.  Membership is static:

• The sixteen county committees can send one representative each
• The Senate Republicans can send three representatives
• The House Republicans can send seven representatives
• The chairman of the party can send three representatives
• Senator Snowe, Senator Collins and Governor LePage can each send one  representative

The process began in August, and the committee met monthly (twice in December) with former congressional candidate John Frary chairing the meetings.  The initial work was in collecting and organizing ideas, and there were a number of platform submissions from a variety of people, as well as input from two county committees and even a group of farmers from Washington County.

But it was the dirty work of coming up with a document that would, in the end, make both sides happy that was the biggest challenge.

In 2010, the document that was accepted by the floor of the convention was drafted by a member of the Knox County delegation, Ted Cowan.  Cowan was Knox’s representative on the committee this year, and was apparently given a number of opportunities to help draft the new document and give his input as to its direction.

One establishment source I spoke with described the activist contingent of the committee as “mostly reasonable” and interested in working on a compromise platform.  There was tension at times, it seems, but by and large everyone was kept mostly happy.

The final document is the work of the entire committee, but principally Tim Russell, Mary Adams, Ted Cowan, John Frary and Kathy Caso.  A number of legislators were involved from the beginning (Senators Roger Katz and Nichi Farnham as well as Representatives Les Fossel and Denny Keschl were singled out to me), but a number of people I spoke to suggested that the legislative Republicans in general were unengaged, or simply absent.

In the end, the final meeting of the platform committee saw the introduction of two documents.  One was penned by Tim Russell, an ardent social conservative and sober establishment figure, and Kathy Caso, the very personification of fire breathing Tea Party conservatism.  The other, much more colorful document, was written by Mary Adams, the anti-tax activist and TABOR crusader.

Upon the Caso-Russell document’s introduction as the base to work from for final edits, Cowan objected, declaring that the platform was boring and would fail to inspire the grassroots.  It was his assertion that the Adams document – which in bringing up Sharia law in its second bullet point reads an awful lot like the floor platform from 2010 – was bolder, and would excite people.  After a short discussion, the Caso-Russell version was accepted, and the committee began its work crafting a final draft.

I have read the full 2012 platform, and will be posting it here for you to read yourself once the last edits are made and a formal version exists.  In general Cowan is right, it is “boring”, certainly when compared to the 2010 floor platform or the Adams document.  But it is also a very interesting study in compromise, incorporating the activist passions of the base with the reserved concern of the establishment.

Gone are missives about the Convention on the Rights of the Child.  Gone are broad commentaries on a host of federal and international issues.  Gone are the whispers of conspiracy.  Well, at least for the most part.

There is still plenty the left will rather enjoy attacking.  Indeed, much to my chagrin a plank was added on Sharia law (over Chairman Frary’s objection), and nothing quite so gets my blood boiling as the phantom conspiracy garbage that issue represents (count me with Governor Christie on this - 2:42 on).

But in the end the new platform will avoid an embarrassing repeat of 2010, and give everyone a little of what they wanted.

The very definition of compromise.

Honestly, she should have been confident.  In the days before the election, most of the Republican brain trust in the state of Maine – indeed the very people spearheading the push to make gains in the legislature – believed that the GOP would pick up somewhere between ten and fifteen seats, but still be comfortably in the minority.  When even your opponents don’t think they are going to win, I suppose I wouldn’t blame a person for dreaming of the gavel.

It must have come as quite a surprise, then, when she and the rest of her party saw the early returns, and began to count.  As Eliot Cutler and Paul LePage were trading the lead late into the night, it soon became apparent that the Republicans had likely taken the Maine House of Representatives.  The gavel was gone.

Cain went on to (easily) win the leadership election for her now minority party, but she will never have an opportunity to be speaker.  She is termed out and has nowhere to go but up.

And up is exactly where she is going.  Cain announced yesterday – to the surprise of exactly no one – that she will be running for the Maine Senate.  District 30 will see an open seat with the term-limited retirement of Elizabeth Schneider.

She isn’t the only prominent legislator looking for a promotion.  Today, Rep. Andre Cushing of Hampden also announced that he would be leaving the House and running for Senate.  In his case, however, he is not termed out and is instead running to fill the seat of fellow Hampdenite Debra Plowman, who is termed out of District 33.

Once the Republicans won the House, Cushing was widely thought of as a potential candidate for speaker, though he would later go on to be elected Assistant Majority Leader, or House Whip.

Neither Cain nor Cushing is likely to face any serious primary challenge in their respective races.  As establishment leaders of the highest order, and ideologically satisfying to their respective bases, they should cruise without any trouble.

More than that, both would have to be early favorites to replace their retiring comrades.  Cain’s district is competitive, but leans Democratic.  Cushing’s is competitive, but leans Republican.  Nothing is certain, and strong challengers from the party opposite may emerge, but at this early stage I would expect to be calling both “Senator” this time next year.

This is particularly important, however, because of who these two people are.  Cain is widely liked and respected – by both parties – and has deeply entrenched herself in her party.  Her public service career path is beginning to look an awful lot like that of so many party elders – particularly Libby Mitchell – who rose to prominent leadership in the House and were able to translate that into even higher leadership in the Senate.  If the Democrats are in control of the Senate in an election cycle or two, Cain’s name will undoubtedly be tossed around as a potential Senate President.

Cushing has been involved in Republican politics at the legislative level for ages.  Indeed, Cushing was the man who actually recruited me to run for the Maine House of Representatives in 2004.  In that cycle, I ran next door to Cain, for those interested.  Small world.

Cushing’s connections and involvement with legislative recruitment give him a very solid base to build his own political power center, and give him a legitimate shot at himself becoming Senate President if the Republicans retain control for long enough.

But even if neither gets to that point, these two lawmakers are without a doubt going to be among the heavy hitters in legislative politics for the next eight years or so.  Keep an eye on them.

Clearly they haven’t seen the governor’s sign.

Governor LePage and legislative Republicans have been in power for roughly a year, and it is quite unrealistic to expect Maine to be completely changed in such a short time.  Still, they can’t have liked the news.

But it does beg the question: Just what exactly makes Maine such a terrible place for business, according to Forbes?  Can we do anything about it?

The short answer to that last question is yes, but our ability to dramatically rise quickly is very limited.  Here’s why.

Forbes uses the following measuring sticks to do their rankings:  cost of doing business, labor supply, regulatory environment, economic climate, growth prospects and quality of life.

Maine’s rankings in each?  In order:  44, 28, 45, 42, 50, 17.

The cost of doing business ranking is essentially labor costs, energy costs and tax burden.  Labor supply is a mix of educational attainment, population growth and union membership.  Regulatory environment is tax incentives, economic development initiatives, tort liability and regulatory burdens.  Economic climate is the growth of jobs and the economy over the last five years.  Growth prospects is the same, only projected into the future five years by Moody’s.  Quality of life is a measure of poverty, crime, etc.

Given those criteria, Maine is going to be languishing toward the bottom of this list for quite some time.  Its strength is the labor supply and quality of life, but everything else is horrendous.

The single biggest change Maine could make to improve its ranking would be to address its regulatory environment, which comes in at an embarrassingly low 45th out of 50.  Unlike current economic climate and future growth prospects – both of which are likely to remain in the gutter – the regulatory environment can be changed, and changed quickly.  All that is required is political will among lawmakers.

But as for the rest, the cost of doing business is going to be held hostage by energy costs and taxes for the foreseeable future.  No matter how much Governor LePage and legislative Republicans would like to hack up the tax code, in the current economic environment, they can only make small changes at the margins.

Even if the government were to take radical steps to address energy costs, it will take some time to see results.

To his credit, I have heard from multiple sources at the state house that the governor is obsessed with what he calls “the three Es” – education, energy, and economy - and wants to make the upcoming legislative session focused around them.

But, I fear that no matter how much changes, it will take a great deal of time before you see Maine move very far up this kind of list.

You may have noticed that things have been a little quiet here at Pine Tree Politics lately. Things like that happen from time to time, and it isn’t just exclusive to us. It can, indeed, be cliche for a blog to collect some cobwebs and then re-emerge to apologize for its lack of activity. Nature of the beast, folks.

Since re-entering the private sector, my new job has taken up a great deal of my time, which has made it difficult to write regularly.  In addition, I have a weekly column for the Bangor Daily News which has given me an outlet to discuss Maine politics, though in an admittedly more limited way than blogging can offer.

None the less, I’ve neglected Pine Tree Politics, and I will be doing so no longer.

For some time, the BDN and I have been discussing a potential move to their servers as an anchor for the new BDN blogs.  I am proud to announce today that (obviously) I have accepted their offer, and PTP will now be living here.  You can still get to PTP by visiting pinetreepolitics.com, but for all intents and purposes, this is our new home.

Pine Tree Politics is following in the footsteps of many prominent blogs that have become affiliated with major newspapers.  A favorite of mine is Nate Silver’s FiveThirtyEight, which was gobbled up by the New York Times, and has enjoyed many benefits from that relationship.  I hope for a similarly positive experience here.

For any worried about outside editorial control, or a somewhat softer edge on my somewhat abrasive writing, fear not.  The relationship with Bangor Daily News offers no restrictions for me as a writer, outside of the restrictions I naturally would have placed on myself (i.e., don’t try to ruin somebody’s life by blogging).  The moment I feel squeezed is the moment you’ll see me abandon this relationship, something I do not foresee happening.

I am thrilled to be back, happy to make this announcement, and look forward to bringing some quality political coverage back to Maine.

In the interest of full disclosure before I continue, it should be noted that I am a paid opinion columnist for the Bangor Daily News, which is of course not owned by Maine Today Media. None the less, BDN and MTM’s largest paper the Portland Press Herald, are the two most important daily newspapers in the state and compete for influence (PPH’s circulation is 49,587 copies and BDN’s is 48,726 copies, and of course BDN covers a much larger geographic area of the state), so I thought it was worth mentioning.

Connor also resigned as CEO of Impressions Media, which owns the Times Leader newspaper in Wilkes-Barre, Pa.  In the statement announcing his resignation from MTM, Connor gave the following rationale:

“Now the company needs to leverage the new foundation into the next phase,” he said. “After four years of work with a schedule that has been around the clock … it’s time for change for me personally, my family, and for the company. I remain a significant individual investor in the company and I believe in its future.”

Naturally, much like when a politician says he is resigning to “spend more time with his family”, the given excuse doesn’t really hold water.  Highly ambitious people who pour their lives into work do not (typically) have sudden epiphanies about the amount of time they spend working on their particular labor of love, reconsidering just how much they’ve neglected the rest of their lives.  People like Connor live their lives in their work.

It didn’t take long to peek under the curtain and find out some of the particulars about what was really happening here.  Al Diamon was first on the scene, and easily with the most information.  According to Diamon:

According to informed sources, Connor’s investors and partners have been questioning him about expenses he’s charged to the company and the way those costs have been allocated between MaineToday and Impressions Media. (The two companies are separate entities, but share some board members.)

Diamon goes on to say that his sources say that the board was also losing patience with certain excesses that were becoming apparent, such as Connor’s recent trip to Italy, which was charged mostly to Maine Today Media.  It seems that Connor had developed a habit of questionable reimbursements/charges on the MTM tab, and that the board was more than a little irritated.  Given the wave of recent layoffs, having a CEO that is seemingly enjoying the benefits of the good life while employees were being given the pink slip, newsstand prices for the paper were going up, and other austerity measures, was simply not a good idea.

Those I have spoken to about this suggest that the other investors, particularly Bob Monks, were displeased with the direction of the Press Herald – and indeed the entire MTM suite of papers – under his guidance.  Despite a marginal increase in circulation (of about 500 subscriptions) which Connor bragged about on the way out, there was apparently deep concern that there was no overall strategic plan for the future.

Indeed, the paper’s focus has changed a great deal under Connor’s guidance, and many have criticized the resulting product as being substantially less focused on quality journalism, and more aimed at cheap, superficial bait for readers.

Recall, for instance, Colin Woodard’s excellent piece (full disclosure, Colin quoted me in it) on Connor from July of last year, “We don’t sell news“, which contained this gem from Connor:

“I can’t be anything other than candid with you: Scoops don’t matter to me,” he says, seated in the paper’s new digs at Portland’s One City Center. “The day of the scoop is long gone in my opinion because of the Internet, all-the-news-all-the-time, real 24/7 breaking news. If we spent all our time worrying about what the Forecaster or the Bangor Daily News does, that’s going to take us off our game.” Breaking stories, he says, is “passé” and a poor barometer of “the quality of our journalism.”

Connor was obviously befuddled by the rise of digital journalism in the last five years, and had no idea how to respond to it.  His plan was to, apparently, turn a trusted news source into a lifestyle journal that kept a chronicle of already established news stories and viewed breaking original news as an afterthought.

I have been pretty critical of this approach, as I think it fails to understand the evolving nature of news collection and delivery.  Last May, with a bemused smile I watched (part 1 and part 2) a collection of news dinosaurs sitting around a table, discussing why the asteroid hurtling toward earth was nothing to worry about.

So thorough was their lack of understanding about what was happening to the industry they were in charge of shepherding into the information age that I couldn’t help but shake my head and laugh.  Interestingly, Connor seemed to have the most respect for bloggers (though to my chagrin, he couldn’t recall a certain blogger’s name who had scooped his paper ::cough::), but even he was clearly out of his element talking about the future of news and how it would adapt to the growth of digital.

For their part, it seems that the local union representing most MTM employees – The Portland Newspaper Guild – “gets it” more than Connor did.  While thanking him for his leadership, they wasted no time suggesting that the digital frontier was the key to the future existence of the MTM papers:

But that is not enough. We must build on that success and deliver news and services on platforms other than newspapers, and we now need a digital-savvy leader who can take us to the next level. The owners of the company are committed to providing that new leadership.

If it is true that the Maine Today board was displeased with Connor’s vision of the future of news, than perhaps the board gets it as well.  At least I hope they do.

Let’s cut to the chase: Connor did some important things at Maine Today.  He took a paper that was on fire, and at least managed to put the fire out.  He got it on better financial footing, and may have arrested the eroding circulation numbers.  There were many positive changes that he enacted at the paper, and criticize it as I may, superficialities may be more attuned to the readership, and selling papers is the business of news.

But make no mistake, while he certainly was capable of breathing some new life in the paper, I don’t believe he was capable of leading it toward the future and adapting to the modern news industry in a way that would have allowed for Maine Today’s papers to grow and prosper.  There are major changes that need to be made, and it will take somebody who understands how the landscape is changing and what to do about it.

That person was not Richard Connor.

In 2004 I was a poll watcher in Fort Kent and personally witnessed voter fraud by a student attending the University of maine at Fort Kent.  The student came in and asked for a ballot; since she was not registered she was directed to the Town Clerk.  I overheard the clerk asking her where she lived, and she replied “Nova Scotia, Canada”.

She was informed by the clerk that she could not vote in any election in the U.S.; her response was that her professor, John Martin, told her that students could go vote if their physical address was in Fort Kent at the time of an election.  I personally witnessed this conversation between the clerk and the student and was amazed that this could happen.  It is known that some students who are registered in one town vote by absentee ballot and then vote a second time in the town where they are going to school because they have a physical address in this town.  Fraud!

Regarding the Nova Scotia student, she believed what her professor told her and because of his influence was encouraged to go vote.  All citizens of this great country should vote, however, the “key factor” is citizenship.  Individuals who choose to become residents of Maine or any other state for that matter cannot vote simply because they have a physical address in that state.  Why is it that fraud is encouraged by elected officials?  Is it because votes are needed to win?

The law is simple.  Maine citizens may vote in Maine and those who live outside this state have the opportunity to vote by absentee ballot.  Non-citizens are NOT in any position to practice this right even if they are instructed by “professors” to do so.

Without honest voting, our republic will not exist and will be taken over by tyrants who will dictate our rights to freedom by dictating who can and cannot vote.  We surely do not want to become a “Banana Republic”.

For those who have yet to meet a real “left wing extremist”, I suggest they take a ride up to Eagle Lake and I will introduce them to John Martin.  He has been a professional politician for over 40 years and has been able to keep his influence and power by providing entitlements to his people to get re-elected.  As Speaker of the House for 28 years, he brought our state businesses to a crawl.

In defense of Charlie Webster, I believe we all should be happy and thankful in keeping the process from falling off the rails.  It is our duty as honest citizens to do so.  In order to maintain viability in this great state, we need to restore and reinforce honesty and integrity.  Voter fraud and professional politicians abusing taxpayers for their personal gain has to stop.